《莫洛托夫访谈录》说明了什么问题?中英互译3

布哈林与列宁遇刺案

历史文本中英对照逐句译注 · 第五部分

以下内容选自关于苏联大清洗与平反工作的历史文献，逐句进行中英文对照翻译，保留原文的批判性叙述风格与历史细节。

布哈林劝阻列宁

“这天，布哈林在我们家吃午饭，在吃午饭的时候，他竭力劝说伊里奇不要去演讲，伊里奇一笑置之，后来为了不再谈这个问题，他就说或许不去了……（晚上，列宁）没有带任何警卫就去参加群众大会了。”

“That day, Bukharin had lunch at our home, and during the meal, he tried his best to persuade Ilyich not to give the speech. Ilyich dismissed it with a smile, and later, to avoid further discussion of the matter, he said perhaps he wouldn’t go… (In the evening, Lenin) went to the mass meeting without any guards.”

[插图]

[Illustration]

伪造历史的工具

因此，什么杀害布哈林的判决书啊，《联共（布）党史简明教程》啊，以至于不得不紧跟伪史的电影《列宁在1918》啊，等等，全都是在彻头彻尾地伪造历史。

Therefore, the verdict sentencing Bukharin to death, the “Short Course of the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks),” and even the film “Lenin in 1918” that had to follow this falsified history—all of these were thoroughly fabricating history.

电影编者卡普列尔，即斯大林女儿斯维特兰娜16岁时如痴如醉的情人，斯大林让他整整坐了10年牢，斯大林死后当天获释（斯女儿则说是3个月后）。

The film’s screenwriter, Kapler, who was the lover of Stalin’s daughter Svetlana when she was 16 years old, was imprisoned by Stalin for a full 10 years and released on the very day of Stalin’s death (though Svetlana said it was three months later).

他依据判决编电影，本人应属无错。

He wrote the film based on the verdict, so he himself should not be blamed.

我在多年前即在《羊城晚报》写过一篇短文，题作《阴谋文学的老祖宗》，就是专门介绍此事的。

Many years ago, I wrote a short essay in the Yangcheng Evening News titled “The Ancestor of Conspiratorial Literature,” which specifically introduced this matter.

莫洛托夫的恐怖理论

莫洛托夫至死也是拥护大规模地乱砍乱杀的。

Molotov remained a supporter of mass indiscriminate killings until his death.

他对中国人提出的、替他们辩护的”扩大化”，莫洛托夫毫不领情，他说：”我认为我们当时就应该经过一个恐怖时期，我不怕这个词，因为当时没有时间、没有可能……仔细分析。

He showed no appreciation for the “excesses” argument put forward by the Chinese to defend them. He said: “I believe we should have gone through a period of terror at that time. I am not afraid of this word, because there was no time, no possibility… for careful analysis.

否则我们就不仅会拿俄国的苏维埃政权去冒险，而且会使国际共产主义运动受到威胁。”（第425页）

Otherwise, we would not only have risked the Soviet regime in Russia but also threatened the international communist movement.” (p. 425)

这就是公开承认苏联当时是不分青红皂白地乱砍乱杀了！

This is an open admission that the Soviet Union was engaging in indiscriminate mass killings at that time!

苏联的大砍大杀在斯大林时期从未停过。

The mass killings in the Soviet Union never stopped during Stalin’s era.

照莫洛托夫的理论，苏联是”没有时间”、”没有可能”弄清情况，所以一切毫无根据的大屠杀都是完全合理的。

According to Molotov’s theory, the Soviet Union “had no time” and “had no possibility” to clarify the situation, so all the groundless massacres were entirely justified.

莫洛托夫至死坚持他这套”社会主义”即是无限恐怖的理论，而且他们的”肃反”不但没有”扩大化”，而是犯了”缩小化”的错误。

Molotov adhered to his theory that “socialism” meant unlimited terror until his death, and he believed that their “purges” were not “excessive” but rather committed the error of being “insufficient.”

戈尔巴乔夫的平反工作

这里顺便说几句，戈尔巴乔夫上台后也顶了整整3年牛。

By the way, Gorbachev also resisted for a full three years after coming to power.

后来实在顶不下去了，才于1988年初夏，不得不开始进行真正的平反工作。

Later, when he could no longer resist, in early summer 1988, he had to begin the real work of rehabilitation.

过去我们大骂赫鲁晓夫，实际上赫鲁晓夫是只为”斯大林分子”平反的，对一切所谓”反对派”分子根本就没有平反一个。

In the past, we harshly criticized Khrushchev. In fact, Khrushchev only rehabilitated “Stalinists” and did not rehabilitate a single so-called “opposition” member.

赫鲁晓夫以后的勃列日涅夫、安德罗波夫、契尔年科时期，平反工作已陷于倒退，历史的真相准备永久伪造下去；

During the periods of Brezhnev, Andropov, and Chernenko after Khrushchev, the rehabilitation work had regressed, and the truth of history was prepared to be permanently falsified;

安德罗波夫可能不同一些，但执政一年就去世了。

Andropov might have been different, but he died after only one year in power.

1988年全面平反

1988年的春夏秋三季，戈尔巴乔夫及新的政治局才决心全部平反，该年先后由苏共中央、苏联最高法院等有关部门，把三四十年代的一切大小政治假案全部平反了，

In the spring, summer, and autumn of 1988, Gorbachev and the new Politburo finally decided to carry out full rehabilitation. That year, the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Supreme Court of the Soviet Union, and other relevant departments successively rehabilitated all major and minor political frame-ups of the 1930s and 1940s,

并由塔斯社通报了全世界，说明这些案件全部是假案。

and TASS announced to the whole world that all these cases were frame-ups.

因为查遍一切有关部门的全部档案资料，始终未查得任何一件证据可以证实他们所犯的任何一件罪行，所以，起诉书和判决书全都没有任何证据。

Because after examining all the archival materials of all relevant departments, not a single piece of evidence was ever found to prove any of the crimes they were accused of, therefore, the indictments and verdicts had no evidence whatsoever.

苏联境内也始终根本不曾存在过由托洛茨基在境外做总指挥的那些所谓外国间谍、暗害集团及其活动。

Within the Soviet Union, there never existed any so-called foreign spies, sabotage groups, or their activities directed by Trotsky from abroad.

所有那么多人的全部罪行都是没有任何证据的。

All the crimes of so many people were without any evidence.

因此，这些起诉书、判决书全都没有任何根据，予以撤销。

Therefore, these indictments and verdicts, having no basis whatsoever, were annulled.

对布哈林特别隆重，为恢复他的党籍，由苏共中央特别发了一个专门通报。

Bukharin was treated with particular solemnity; to restore his Party membership, the Central Committee of the CPSU specially issued a specific circular.

（但是在1987年十月革命70周年纪念大会上，戈尔巴乔夫对布哈林主要还是采取大批判态度，说明那时他也还没有下决心为布哈林等平反。）

(However, at the 70th anniversary celebration of the October Revolution in 1987, Gorbachev still mainly adopted a critical attitude toward Bukharin, indicating that he had not yet made up his mind to rehabilitate Bukharin and others at that time.)

实际上，由于这些平反，便也为托洛茨基本人平反了，因为在苏联境内既然没有任何由托洛茨基指挥的反革命组织和反革命活动，那么，托洛茨基在这方面的罪行也就全没有了。

In fact, because of these rehabilitations, Trotsky himself was also rehabilitated, since there were no counter-revolutionary organizations or activities within the Soviet Union directed by Trotsky; therefore, Trotsky’s crimes in this regard also completely disappeared.

这段历史文本揭示了苏联大清洗的真相与平反工作的曲折历程。从莫洛托夫的”恐怖理论”到戈尔巴乔夫的全面平反，历史的正义虽然迟到，但终究到来。

苏联的这些公开平反决定，塔斯社对全世界发了消息，这些消息大体都收在新华出版社1988年出版的一本书中，此书名为《克里姆林宫秘闻》，“内部发行”。因篇幅关系，苏方的平反原文就不详细引用了。

The Soviet Union’s public rehabilitation decisions were announced to the world by TASS, and these reports were largely compiled in a book published by Xinhua Publishing House in 1988, titled *Secrets of the Kremlin*, “for internal distribution only.” Due to space constraints, the original Soviet rehabilitation texts will not be quoted in detail here.

共产主义实现前永远是无产阶级专政

Before communism is achieved, it will always be the dictatorship of the proletariat.

莫洛托夫认为，专政只能是几个人的专政，无产阶级专政对人民必须是天罗地网，对党内意见不同的人只能放手镇压，镇压必须连及妇女儿童，决不能释放政治犯，最可怕的敌人是：人道主义。

Molotov believed that dictatorship could only be the dictatorship of a few individuals, that the dictatorship of the proletariat must be an inescapable net for the people, that those within the Party with differing opinions could only be ruthlessly suppressed, that suppression must extend to women and children, that political prisoners must never be released, and that the most terrifying enemy was: humanism.

莫洛托夫认为在实现共产主义以前，均只能实行无产阶级专政。他说：“马克思曾经指出，在资本主义和共产主义之间的这一过渡时期，除了实行无产阶级专政，别无选择，可现在我们到处都把这一提法修正为在资本主义和社会主义之间的这一过渡时期，所有的文献都做了修正，甚至在党纲中也如此。”（第577页）其实，莫洛托夫缺乏常识，马、恩常常是把社会主义与共产主义阶段泛称为共产主义的。

Molotov believed that before communism was achieved, only the dictatorship of the proletariat could be implemented. He said: “Marx pointed out that in the transitional period between capitalism and communism, there is no alternative but to implement the dictatorship of the proletariat. But now everywhere we have revised this formulation to the transitional period between capitalism and socialism. All documents have been revised, even in the Party program.” (p. 577) In fact, Molotov lacked common knowledge; Marx and Engels often broadly referred to the socialist and communist stages as communism.

而莫洛托夫心中的所谓无产阶级专政，就是一个天罗地网，使任何人都无处可逃。莫在书中谈了很多沙皇流放犯人的事情，那里管吃管住，准许通信自由，准许亲属去探亲与居住，准许看书、撰文、开会，还准许按原来的党派自行编组活动。莫洛托夫承认他们吸取了这个教训，把苏联的一切监狱、集中营、流放地都“搞成了天罗地网”（第175页），使任何人插翅难飞。在实际上，苏联全国都是如此。

And the so-called dictatorship of the proletariat in Molotov’s mind was precisely such an inescapable net, leaving no one anywhere to hide. Molotov discussed in the book many instances of the Tsar exiling prisoners, where they were provided food and shelter, allowed freedom of correspondence, permitted relatives to visit and live with them, allowed to read, write articles, hold meetings, and even organize activities according to their original political parties. Molotov admitted they learned from this lesson and turned all Soviet prisons, concentration camps, and exile sites into an “inescapable net” (p. 175), making it impossible for anyone to escape. In reality, the entire Soviet Union was like this.

苏联在惩办一切所谓“反对派”、“反革命”犯、“间谍”犯等等，就是所谓“政治犯”时，一般是要株连家属的，即家属一般都要同时被捕、监禁、流放等（我不说“全部”，但我所见的书上，苏联被捕人员大体上都是累及家属的）。莫洛托夫不仅恬不知耻地承认了这个事实，而且认为这样的惩办很必要！

When the Soviet Union punished all so-called “oppositionists,” “counter-revolutionary” criminals, “spy” criminals, etc., that is, so-called “political prisoners,” it generally implicated family members. That is, family members were generally arrested, imprisoned, exiled, etc., at the same time (I won’t say “all,” but from the books I’ve seen, Soviet arrestees largely implicated their families). Molotov not only shamelessly admitted this fact but also considered such punishment necessary!

“为什么波及妇女儿童？”（丘耶夫问。——引者注）

“Why involve women and children?” (Chuev asked.—Author’s note)

“什么‘为什么’？当时需要对这些人进行某种隔离审查；她们当然会散布不满……这在一定程度上起了分化作用。实际上就是这样。”（第494页）累及妇女儿童，莫洛托夫看来是天经地义的，所以对提出这个问题表示不满与不能理解！

“What do you mean, ‘why’? At that time, it was necessary to subject these people to a certain isolation and investigation; of course, they would spread discontent… To a certain extent, this played a divisive role. That’s how it actually was.” (p. 494) Implicating women and children was, in Molotov’s view, perfectly justified, so he expressed dissatisfaction and incomprehension at the question being raised!

莫洛托夫宣传所谓“无产阶级专政”，实际上只能是几个人以至一个人的专政。他说：“在列宁健在时苏维埃的作用实际上就已经被贬低了——大权应该集中到几个人手里。”（第222页）但苏联的事实并不是几个人，而确实是一切权力只集中在一个人手里。这恐怕是苏联一切错误的总根源。个人独裁得越厉害，人民的苦难往往也就越深重，古今中外，绝无例外。

What Molotov promoted as the so-called “dictatorship of the proletariat” was, in reality, the dictatorship of a few individuals, or even one person. He said: “Even when Lenin was alive, the role of the Soviets was actually diminished—great power should be concentrated in the hands of a few individuals.” (p. 222) But the reality in the Soviet Union was not a few individuals; indeed, all power was concentrated in the hands of one person. This is likely the root cause of all the Soviet Union’s mistakes. The more severe the personal dictatorship, the deeper the suffering of the people, a rule without exception throughout history, in all places.

莫洛托夫访谈录

历史文本中英对照逐句译注 · 第六部分

以下内容选自关于莫洛托夫与苏联大清洗的历史文献，逐句进行中英文对照翻译，保留原文的批判性叙述风格与历史细节。

对反对派的镇压立场

莫洛托夫公开宣布，对一切有不同意见的人，即所谓”反对派”分子，只能放手消灭。

Molotov publicly declared that those with differing opinions—the so-called “oppositionists”—could only be ruthlessly eliminated.

他说：”甚至列宁在世时，就有那么多不协调的、形形色色的反对派，列宁认为这十分危险，要求进行坚决的斗争……总要有人放开手脚进行镇压。

He said: “Even when Lenin was alive, there were so many discordant and various opposition groups. Lenin considered this extremely dangerous and demanded resolute struggle… Someone had to take the initiative to carry out suppression.

于是，斯大林就实际地承担起这种种难题并加以解决。

Thus, Stalin practically undertook these difficult problems and resolved them.

我认为，斯大林对此事的处理基本上是正确的，我们全力支持他，我是其中一个主要支持者，而且我对此至今不悔。”

I believe that Stalin’s handling of this matter was fundamentally correct. We fully supported him, and I was one of the main supporters—and I have no regrets about this to this day.”

（第472页）

(p. 472)

列宁对党内有不同意见者，可能做梦也没有想过要杀他们，也没有想过用党纪处分。

Lenin probably never dreamed of killing those within the Party who held different opinions, nor did he consider using Party disciplinary sanctions against them.

列宁最后两三年，同斯大林有分歧，为党的前途着想，列宁也只不过建议撤去斯大林的总书记职务而已。

In his last two or three years, Lenin had disagreements with Stalin. For the sake of the Party’s future, Lenin merely suggested removing Stalin from his position as General Secretary—nothing more.

与赫鲁晓夫的分歧

莫洛托夫承认，斯大林逝世后，赫鲁晓夫即几次同他商量，建议从集中营等处放人。

Molotov admitted that after Stalin’s death, Khrushchev consulted with him several times, suggesting the release of prisoners from concentration camps and other places.

对赫鲁晓夫的这一建议，莫洛托夫彻头彻尾反对，赫氏同他商量过几次，都被他坚决拒绝了。

Molotov was thoroughly opposed to this suggestion from Khrushchev. Khrushchev consulted with him several times, but was firmly rejected each time.

莫洛托夫说：

Molotov said:

他（指赫鲁晓夫。——引者注）对我说过两次：”一块儿干吧！咱们友好吧！”

He (referring to Khrushchev—ed.) said to me twice: “Let’s work together! Let’s be friends!”

“好吧，基础是什么？咱们谈谈。”

“Very well, what is the foundation? Let’s talk.”

“毫无结果，因为我们立场不同。

“It came to nothing, because our positions were different.

他主要是想让劳改营放人，无论如何也要提高自己的声望。

He mainly wanted to release people from the labor camps, wanting to raise his prestige at all costs.

可当时给那些明目张胆的敌人平反，我当然不能和他意见一致。”

But at that time, to rehabilitate those blatant enemies—I certainly could not agree with him on this.”

（第441页）

(p. 441)

“我对他说基础是什么的时候，就已开始禁止他这样干了。

“When I asked him what the foundation was, I had already begun to forbid him from doing this.

他不愿意，我们无法共事。

He was unwilling, so we could not work together.

米高扬同他关系不错。”

Mikoyan had a good relationship with him.”

（第441页）

(p. 441)

释放囚犯的立场

在从监狱和集中营释放一切无罪的人这个全苏人民第一号紧急的最大问题上，莫洛托夫是死硬地坚持他在斯大林时代的立场，一个不放。

On the number one urgent and paramount issue for all the Soviet people—the release of all innocent people from prisons and concentration camps—Molotov stubbornly adhered to his position from the Stalin era: not a single person would be released.

而对他的在斯大林的压力下被迫宣布离了婚的夫人例外，他要求立刻放，并办到了。

Except for his wife, who had been forced to announce their divorce under Stalin’s pressure—he demanded her immediate release, and it was done.

对人道主义的敌视

莫洛托夫只要残忍的专政，而坚决把人道主义看成最可怕的敌人的。

Molotov wanted only brutal dictatorship, and resolutely regarded humanism as the most terrible enemy.

他的确是斯大林政策的最忠实的保护者，他竟说：

He was indeed the most faithful defender of Stalin’s policies. He actually said:

“赫鲁晓夫放出了一只猛兽，这猛兽眼下可能给社会带来极大危害。

“Khrushchev has released a wild beast, which may cause great harm to society at present.

可不能小看了赫鲁晓夫。”

Khrushchev must not be underestimated.”

“这头猛兽，人们把它叫民主。”

“This wild beast, people call it democracy.”

（丘耶夫说。——引者注）

(Chuyev said—ed.)

“叫人道主义。”

“Call it humanism.”

莫洛托夫说，”说穿了，不过是市侩作风罢了。”

Molotov said, “To speak plainly, it’s nothing but philistinism.”

（第434页）

(p. 434)

莫洛托夫的残忍实在是太让人意外了，这倒是他们执政时期的一个真实写照——人道主义是毒蛇猛兽！

Molotov’s cruelty was truly astonishing—this was indeed an authentic portrayal of their time in power: humanism was a venomous serpent and a wild beast!